Mulayam Singh Yadav

Mulayam Singh Yadav (born November 22, 1939) is an Indian politician and has influence mainly in Uttar Pradesh state of India.

Samajwadi Party


Samajwadi Party (literally, Socialist Party) is a political party in India. It is based in the Indian state of Uttar Pradesh. It describes itself as a democratic socialist party. It was founded on October 4, 1992.

The Samajwadi Party was one of several parties that emerged when the Janata Dal (People's League), India's primary opposition party prior to the BJP, fragmented into several regional parties. The Samajwadi Party is led by Mulayam Singh Yadav, a former Chief Minister of Uttar Pradesh and a former defence minister of the country.

Early life


He first became a state minister in 1977 and in 1980, he became the president of the Lok Dal (People's Party) in Uttar Pradesh. Later the Lok Dal became a part of the Janata Dal (People's Party). In 1982, he was elected leader of the opposition in the Uttar Pradesh legislative council. He has an M.A, and B.T. from Jain Inter College, Mainpuri, Agra University, Agra (Uttar Pradesh).

Positions Held


1967, 1974,1977,1985,1989,1991,1993 1996, 2004 and 2007 (Tenth Terms): Member, Uttar Pradesh Legislative Assembly.
1977: Minister, Cooperative and Animal Husbandry, Uttar Pradesh
1980: President, Lok Dal, Uttar Pradesh; President, Lok Dal (B), Uttar Pradesh; President, Janata Dal, Uttar Pradesh
1982-85: Member, Uttar Pradesh Legislative Council; Leader of the Opposition, Uttar Pradesh Legislative Council
1985-87: Leader of the Opposition, Uttar Pradesh Legislative Assembly
1989: Elected Leader, Janata Dal Legislative Party, Uttar Pradesh
1989-91: Chief Minister, Uttar Pradesh
1992: Founder, Samajwadi Party
1993-95: Chief Minister, Uttar Pradesh (2nd Term)
1996: Elected to 11th Lok Sabha
1996-98: Union Cabinet Minister, Defence.
1998: Re-Elected to 12th Lok Sabha (2nd Term)
1998-99: Member, General Purpose Committee.
1999: Re-Elected to 13th Lok Sabha (3rd Term)
1999-2000: Leader Parliamentary Samajwadi Party, Lok Sabha; Chairman Petroleum and Chemical Committee; Member, General Purpose Committee.
2004: Re-Elected to 14th Lok Sabha (4th Term)
2003 -2007: Chief Minister, Uttar Pradesh (3rd Term)

First time Chief Minister


He first became Chief Minister of Uttar Pradesh in 1989 with the support of BJP.However his relations with the Bharatiya Janta Party(BJP) were severely strained because of his staunch opposition to the BJP's Ram Janmabhumi Movement. When BJP President L.K.Advani set out for his Rath Yatra, Mulayam Singh Yadav declared that his government would not allow Advani's yatra to reach Ayodhya as his government viewed the yatra as an attempt to inflame sectarian tension between Hindus and Muslims.

After the collapse of the V P Singh government at the center in November 1990, Mulayam Singh Yadav joined Chandra Shekhar's Janata Dal (Socialist) party and continued in office as chief minister with the support of the Congress Party. His government fell when the Congress withdrew support to his government in April 1991 in reaction to the aftermath of developments at the center, wherein the Congress party withdrew support to Chandra Shekhar's government. Mid-term elections to Uttar Pradesh assembly were held in mid 1991, in which Mulayam Singh's party lost power to BJP.

Second time Chief Minister


On October 7,1992, he founded his own Samajwadi Party (Socialist Party). In 1993, he allied with the Bahujan Samaj Party for the elections to Uttar Pradesh assembly due to be held in November 1993. The alliance between Samajwadi Party and Bahujan Samaj Party prevented the return of BJP to power in the state. Though the alliance did not win the majority, Mulayam Singh Yadav could become chief minister of Uttar Pradesh with the support of Congress and Janata Dal.His stand on movement for demanding separate statehood for Uttarakhand was as much controversial as his stand on Ayodhya movement in 1990 was. There was a firing on Uttarakhand activists at Muzaffarnagar on October 2,1994 , something for which Uttarakhand activists held him responsible. He continued holding that post until his ally opted into another alliance in June 1995.

As union Cabinet Minister


In 1996, he was elected to the eleventh Lok Sabha from Mainpuri constituency in Uttar Pradesh. In the United Front coalition government formed that year, his party joined and he was named India's Defence Minister. The media reported rumors that there was a possibility of him to become Prime Minister of India, but it is widely believed that fellow Yaduvanshi Kshatriya (Yadav) politician, Lalu Prasad Yadav scuttled his chances. That government fell in 1998 as India went in for fresh elections, but he returned to the Lok Sabha that year from Sambhal parliamentary constituency. After the fall of Vajpayee government at the center in April 1999, he did not support the Congress party in the formation of the government. He contested Lok Sabha elections of 1999 from two seats-- Sambhal and Kannauj and won from both. He resigned from Kannauj seat, which was later won by his son Akhilesh in the by-elections.

Third time Chief Minister


In 2002, following a fluid post-election situation in Uttar Pradesh, the Bharatiya Janata Party and Bahujan Samaj Party tied up to form a government under dalit leader Mayawati, considered to be Mulayam's greatest rival. After a one-and-a-half year stint, the BJP pulled out of the government on August 25,2003, and enough rebel legislators of the Bahujan Samaj Party left to allow Mulayam to become the Chief Minister, with the support of independents and small parties. Mulayam Singh Yadav was sworn in as chief minister of Uttar Pradesh for the third time in September 2003. It is widely believed that this change was done with the blessings of the BJP, which was also ruling at the Centre then.

In September 2003, when he was sworn in as chief minister of Uttar Pradesh, Mulayam Singh Yadav was a member of the Lok Sabha. In order to meet the constitutional requirement of becoming the member of state legislature within 6 months of being sworn in, he contested the assembly by-election from Gunnaur assembly seat in January 2004. He won by a record margin and polled almost 92% of the total votes. His victory margin of 183,899 votes is the highest margin of victory in assembly elections so far.

With the hope of playing a major role at the center, he contested Lok Sabha elections of 2004 from Mainpuri when he was the chief minister of Uttar Pradesh. He won the seat and his party, Samajwadi Party won more seats in Uttar Pradesh than all other parties. However the Congress party, which formed the coalition government at the center after the elections had majority in the Lok Sabha with the support of the communist parties. As a result, Mulayam Singh Yadav could not play any significant role at the center. He resigned from Lok Sabha and chose to continue as chief minister of Uttar Pradesh until he lost 2007 election when he lost to BSP.

Achievement


He lists the achievements of his government, such as the waiver of agricultural debt, the streamlining of sugarcane procurement, the old-age pension scheme, the Kanya Vidhya Dhan Yojana, the unemployment dole and the fiscal management.

Mulayam Singh’s minority blues


When Mulayam Singh Yadav was UP CM in 1994 the state government had outlined some long-time term, although belated, plans for the empowerment of the minorities (read Muslims). The announcement came in the form of Government Order (GO) No. 80 on March 24, 1994 declaring that fifteen thousand Urdu teachers and ten thousand Urdu translators would be appointed in the state within three years. Soon thereafter, Mulayam Singh Yadav government fell and then, for the next ten-years there was a government of the Bahujan Samaj Party-BJP combine, followed by five years of BJP rule and then again a BSP-BJP coalition government. The BSP and BJP are diametrically opposed to each other ideologically but the lure and love of power proved stronger than ideology. Needless to say, all pro-minority policies of Samajwadi Party (SP) were put in cold storage.

Now, there after a decade of struggle, Mulayam Singh Yadav is back in the saddle in UP and the minorities are again expecting that the time has come for all SP promises to be redeemed.

But the issue is that in his third stint as CM, Mulayam Singh is a changed man and since the formation of his government last year there is yet to be any package exclusively for the upliftment of the deprived minorities in UP. Mulayam Singh has turned a cold-shoulder towards the innumerable Muslim issues, especially the educational problems affecting minority institutions in the state.

The grievances of minority-run institutions were enumerated and sent in the form of a letter to the CM on January 19, 2004 and since then four reminders have been sent but the CM has chosen not to acknowledge, let alone reply them. 

The educational issue is being raised by Habibullah Azmi, Secretary, Minority Educational Institutions Association (MEIA), UP which is chaired by Naseem Ahmad, Vice Chancellor of Aligarh Muslim University.

The first problem is about getting minority status for institutions run by minorities. Things were thought to have been made slightly easy as after the order passed by Mulayam Singh Yadav on October 6, 1994 stating that the institutions applying for minority status were to be declared so with a time-bound process with effect from the date of application or may be returned back with objection if any. The minority status allows these institutions to fix a quota for students belonging to the minority.

In reality not much has been achieved since. Only 36 schools have been declared “minority” while not a single high school or intermediate college has been recorgnised as such," said Habibullah Azmi. He cited an example of VMHS Rahmania Inter College, Maudaha, Hamirpur district in UP, which is a pretty unique case. Even after the Supreme Court referred it to the UP government to take a decision in the light of its judgement delivered on Oct 30, 2002, this college is yet to get the status of a minority institution. The college applied for minority status way back in 1981! Since then its application is being rejected on one pretext or another.

What merits attention here is that the apex court had given a very clear verdict on the matter saying that an institution established and managed by a minority is entitled for all the facilities guaranteed under Article 30 (1) of the Constitution whether the government declares it a minority institution or not.
The woes continue as even when basic schools, higher secondary schools or intermediate colleges are upgraded they are required to apply for minority status at every stage even when the registered society under which it is run remains the same! This is despite the government order of October 6, 1994 which contained guidelines which say that if an institution is once declared minority at any stage it would be treated as a minority institution whenever it was upgraded to a higher level.

The harassment of minority colleges is going unabated as despite the selection of teachers for minority educational institution being exempted from the purview of the Higher Education Service Commission, yet such selections are unnecessarily referred to the same Commission causing delay and adversely affecting the functioning of the minority colleges. "The state government should put an end to this unwarranted practice without any further delay," said Prof. Nafees Ahmad of Aligarh Muslim University in Lucknow.

The issue of the appointment of Urdu teachers in primary and junior high schools is still a dream to come true as only 7000 Urdu teachers and 3000 Urdu translators have been appointed so far. The project of giving jobs to Urdu-knowing teachers was a long-due responsibility of the state government because it has been sanctioned by Article 350-A of the Constitution which enshrines facilities for instructions in the mother tongue at primary stage of education to children of all linguistic groups.

"We demand that the recent announcement of the CM for appointing 46,000 teachers in basic schools at least one Urdu teacher be appointed in every primary school," said HM Yaseen, registrar of the newly established Integral University, Lucknow.

Urdu, the language of the masses which developed indigenously is still under strain. The same language is most widely spoken in UP. Article 29(1) of the Constitution says that minorities have the right to preserve their distinct languages and scripts while Article 30(1) provides minorities to establish and administer educational institutions of their choice. But the ground reality in UP is totally different as the UP Education Code 80(4) makes it mandatory for any recognised secondary school to have Hindi as the medium of instruction. "This is absolutely unconstitutional," said Shafiq Mirza. What is more surprising is that in primary syllabus the first subject prescribed is Hindi and is called Matra Bhasha (mother tongue) thus indicating that Hindi is the mother tongue. Urdu as a mother tongue is not ever mentioned! This has made Hindi compulsory at the cost of Urdu. "The Education Code of UP for Higher Secondary Education needs to be amended and provision for teaching of general subjects through Urdu medium be cleared at the earliest," said Prof. Nafees Ahmad.

"The condition that the facility for teaching through Urdu medium would be available only when there are 40 students in a school and five in a class is impractical and unduly restrictive and needs immediate abolition and recommendations of the Gujral Committee be implemented with no further delay," said Prof. Ahmad.

Moreover, Sanskrit has been made compulsory in UP from class III to V. This was done under the BSP-BJP government in 1997 with the underlying idea to link students of all religions with life, rituals and ceremonies of the majority community. This is surely against the very spirit of Article 25 and 28 of the Constitution and has obviously made life all the more difficult for a student offering both Urdu and Arabic as now he/she would endure a burden of five languages along with four-general subjects. "We demand that Sanskrit be clubbed with Arabic and offered as an optional subject," said Najma Javed, principal of Abul Kalam Azad Girls Inter College, Lakhimpur.

The future of Urdu Moallims hangs in balance as their case has no immediate scope. Moallim Urdu (a certificate awarded by the Jamia Urdu, Aligarh) was declared equal to Bachelor of Training Certificate (BTC) by the GO on September 13, 1994 but the BSP-BJP government on August 11, 1997 termed them as untrained again and hence their salaries were withheld and their prospects of becoming Urdu teachers seriously hampered. "The CM now has the power to revert the injustice meted to Moallims by the BSP chief Mayawati," said B. Antony, director of St. Antony Inter College.

The hopes to redress any of the grievances have come to a naught and instead, coupled with an undecipherable stoic silence from CM. Perhaps Mulayam Singh Yadav needs to be shown some reality mirror as 62 per cent of Muslims voted for his party in comparison to 72 per cent Yadavs and only 28 per cent of his newfound love Rajputs and Thakurs voted for his party ( 50 per cent of Rajputs voted for the BJP) in the recent parliamentary elections despite the sagging fortunes and the anti-incumbency current against BJP in UP! This is according to the survey conducted by Centre for the Study of Developing Societies published in The Hindu of May 20, 2004.

Mulayam Singh Yadav should be reminded of his once-genuine concerns for Muslims who have always formed the bulwark of his political status.

References


http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Mulayam_Singh_Yadav

http://www.milligazette.com/Archives/2004/01-15Sep04-Print-Edition/011509200419.htm

http://www.samajwadipartyindia.com/english/mulayam.html

Ratings Result

++++------
Score: 4.0, Ratings: 1

website statistics